{"id":501,"date":"2025-12-17T11:00:58","date_gmt":"2025-12-17T09:00:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/?p=501"},"modified":"2025-12-17T10:52:41","modified_gmt":"2025-12-17T08:52:41","slug":"critique-of-the-proposed-eu-budget-2028-2034-socio-economic-and-environmental-territorial-cohesion-not-the-renationalisation-of-european-policies-by-george-a-emmanouil","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/critique-of-the-proposed-eu-budget-2028-2034-socio-economic-and-environmental-territorial-cohesion-not-the-renationalisation-of-european-policies-by-george-a-emmanouil\/","title":{"rendered":"CRITIQUE OF THE PROPOSED EU BUDGET 2028\u20132034 Socio-Economic and Environmental Territorial Cohesion \u2014 Not the Renationalisation of European Policies,  By George A. Emmanouil"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter wp-image-495 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/GDP-per-Region.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1396\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/GDP-per-Region.png 1396w, https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/GDP-per-Region-300x279.png 300w, https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/GDP-per-Region-1024x951.png 1024w, https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/GDP-per-Region-768x714.png 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1396px) 100vw, 1396px\" \/><\/p>\n<p>For centuries, Europe was a continent of internal conflicts and wars. A characteristic <strong>example is the Ruhr Valley <\/strong>on the Franco-German border, which became a battlefield during the First and Second World Wars over control of coal mines and iron and metal production, both essential to the war industry. From the ashes of these two wars, the first <strong>peaceful<\/strong> European agreement was born in 1951: the European Coal and Steel Community, followed gradually <strong>by European cohesion <\/strong>policies and programmes.<\/p>\n<p>European cohesion policies were consolidated by the Delors Package (1989\u20131993), which linked\u00a0the path towards the Single Internal Market and Monetary Union. These policies financed interventions mainly in countries and regions with GDP below 75% of the EU average. Initially focused on basic infrastructure, they now cover the full spectrum of development: from research and innovation to social inclusion, territorial cohesion and the green transition.<\/p>\n<p>Resources for economic, social and territorial cohesion increased from <strong>20% of the EU budget in 1989 to around 30% today<\/strong>. Conversely, the Common Agricultural Policy<strong> (CAP)<\/strong> declined from <strong>60% to approximately 30%<\/strong>. Other EU policies increased from <strong>15% to over 30%<\/strong>, while administrative expenditure fell from <strong>10% to 6.7%<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Key Elements of the Commission\u2019s Proposal for the 2028\u20132034 Budget<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Cohesion resources increase modestly (from \u20ac386.6 billion to \u20ac453 billion), but their share of the MFF falls to around 10%, down <\/strong>from approximately 37% today.<\/li>\n<li>This is because the \u201ctraditional\u201d cohesion policy for less-developed regions \u2014 including almost all regions of Southeast Europe and the EUSAIR area \u2014 is reduced from \u20ac350 billion to \u20ac<strong>218 billion<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>CAP (including fisheries)<\/strong> is reduced to around <strong>15% of the MFF<\/strong>, down from ~32%, and in absolute terms from \u20ac386.6 billion to approximately \u20ac300 billion.<\/li>\n<li>By contrast, <strong>competitiveness funding<\/strong>, which primarily benefits large enterprises, <strong>triples from \u20ac130 billion to \u20ac410 billion<\/strong>, while <strong>defence spending increases fivefold<\/strong>, from \u20ac26 billion to \u20ac131 billion.<\/li>\n<li>At least <strong>14% of NRPP national envelopes<\/strong> must be allocated to social priorities (employment, skills, health, housing, social infrastructure) and <strong>43% to climate and environmental objectives<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>Approximately <strong>25% of national envelopes<\/strong> are initially unprogrammed, to be released during crises, during mid-term review, and after 2031.<\/li>\n<li>Conditionalities are mainly limited to <strong>compliance with the European Semester<\/strong> and <strong>rule-of-law requirements<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>A <strong>single Fund<\/strong> is created through <strong>27 National and Regional Partnership Plans (NRPPs)<\/strong> \u2014 one per Member State \u2014 replacing the previous dozen or so regional and sectoral programmes.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>What These Choices Indicate<\/strong><\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>A <strong>shift of resources away from Cohesion Policy and CAP<\/strong> towards competitiveness, defence and external action.<\/li>\n<li>A clear trend towards <strong>renationalisation of European programmes<\/strong>, <strong>weakening the role of regional and local partners<\/strong> (municipalities, chambers, civil society) in democratic programming, and transferring management to national executive authorities \u2014 following the model of the Recovery and Resilience Facility.<\/li>\n<li>A <strong>silent rejection of the Letta Report<\/strong> (on state aid control for large enterprises and deepening the Single Market) and a weakening of the logic of the <strong>Draghi Report<\/strong>, which highlighted the role of all regions \u2014 strong and weak alike \u2014 as a prerequisite for overall European competitiveness.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Greece\u2019s allocation<\/strong> will amount to <strong>\u20ac49.2 billion<\/strong>, reduced by <strong>\u20ac1.7 billion (-3.3%)<\/strong> compared to the current period (\u20ac50.9 billion for 2021\u20132027).<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Greece\u2019s share of national envelopes declines slightly from <strong>5.8% to 5.7%<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>From 1986 to 2027, Greece has received <strong>over \u20ac125 billion<\/strong> through Cohesion Policy, <strong>approximately \u20ac180 billion<\/strong> through CAP, and <strong>\u20ac30 billion<\/strong> from the Recovery Fund \u2014 <strong>for a total of over \u20ac300 billion<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>Greece has been a net beneficiary throughout this period (approximate ratio <strong>1:3<\/strong>). <strong>However<\/strong>, this coincided with acceptance of the Single Market and free competition, which, due to structural competitiveness gaps, favoured imports and burdened the trade balance. The logic of the Cohesion Policy, among other objectives, is to compensate for the competitiveness gap of less developed regions and countries, including those in SEE, as they enter and compete in the single market.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>A <strong>weakening of existing conditionalities \/ enabling conditions<\/strong> (Green Deal, macro-regional strategies, rule of law, Charter of Fundamental Rights), undermining \u2014 in the name of simplification \u2014 the principles of subsidiarity, proportionality, additionality, multi-level governance and partnership.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p><strong>Enabling Conditions as the Foundation of European Cohesion:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Why Their Removal Weakens the Cohesion Policy after 2027<\/p>\n<p>During the 2021\u20132027 programming period, the EU introduced <strong>Enabling Conditions<\/strong> as a central quality-assurance mechanism for Cohesion Policy. They were not a bureaucratic burden, but a <strong>political safeguard<\/strong>, ensuring that EU funds were invested within a framework of institutional capacity, strategic planning and compliance with EU acquis.<\/p>\n<p><strong>What Were Enabling Conditions and Why Were They Introduced<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>They were horizontal and thematic prerequisites for funding investments under ERDF, ESF+ and CF, etc, including:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Environmental regulatory frameworks (water, waste, climate adaptation),<\/li>\n<li>Smart Specialisation Strategies (RIS3),<\/li>\n<li>sustainable transport planning,<\/li>\n<li>compliance with the Charter of Fundamental Rights,<\/li>\n<li>equality and non-discrimination safeguards,<\/li>\n<li>administrative capacity, public procurement and state-aid rules.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>The principle was clear:<\/strong> no investment without institutional foundations.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Their Role in Investment Quality and Cohesion<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>They functioned as:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>a filter against fragmented, low-value projects,<\/li>\n<li>a lever for democratic and institutional reform,<\/li>\n<li>a tool for aligning national policies with EU strategies (Green Deal, Digital Agenda, social rights).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Especially for structurally weaker regions, they acted as a safeguard against clientelism and short-term political interference.<\/p>\n<p><strong>What Their Removal Means in the 2028\u20132034 Proposal<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Commission proposal effectively abolishes Enabling Conditions, shifting:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>from binding rules \u2192 to general political commitments,<\/li>\n<li>from EU oversight \u2192 to national discretion,<\/li>\n<li>from strategic planning \u2192 to implementation flexibility.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>This carries serious risks:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>disconnection of investments from environmental and social acquis,<\/li>\n<li>reduced EU capacity to enforce common standards,<\/li>\n<li>widening inequalities between strong and weak regions,<\/li>\n<li>politicisation of resource allocation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>A Progressive Assessment<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>From a progressive perspective, Enabling Conditions were <strong>not obstacles<\/strong>, but <strong>guarantees of the public interest<\/strong>. They ensured that EU funds served:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>sustainable development,<\/li>\n<li>social justice,<\/li>\n<li>the rule of law,<\/li>\n<li>long-term convergence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Their removal does not constitute simplification, but rather an <strong>institutional weakening of European principles and policies<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>If the EU wishes Cohesion Policy to remain an instrument of democratic and social integration \u2014 especially for Southeast Europe \u2014 it must reconsider this shift and maintain <strong>strong, transparent, progressive and socially oriented conditions<\/strong> along with the <strong>thematic concentration<\/strong> option for the use of common resources.<\/p>\n<p>The criticism expressed by the <strong>Committee of the Regions<\/strong>, the <strong>European Economic and Social Committee<\/strong> <strong>and civil society organisations<\/strong> is therefore well-founded: unless amended during consultation, the proposal risks weakening cohesion, socio-economic convergence, democratic governance and the course of European integration.<\/p>\n<p><strong>EU Sources<\/strong><\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><strong>European Commission (2025)<\/strong> \u2013 Proposal for the Multiannual Financial Framework 2028\u20132034 and Own Resources reform.<\/li>\n<li><strong>European Commission (2022)<\/strong> \u2013 <em>9th Cohesion Report: Cohesion in Europe towards 2050<\/em>.<\/li>\n<li>High-Level Group on the Future of Cohesion Policy (2024) \u2013 Final Report.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Hhttps:\/\/cor.europa.eu\/en\/news\/eu-local-and-regional-leaders-simplification-must-not-lead-centralisation<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>https:\/\/www.eesc.europa.eu\/en\/news-media\/press-releases\/bolder-eu-budget-demanded-eesc-warns-against-centralisation<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>For centuries, Europe was a continent of internal conflicts and wars. A characteristic example is the Ruhr Valley on the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":495,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"default","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"set","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[16],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-501","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/501","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=501"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/501\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":515,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/501\/revisions\/515"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/495"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=501"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=501"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/emmanouilreview.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=501"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}